Thanks Carl, it's a really interesting question, and you've already named for us some of the ways it could be approached. But these also suggest that the question is immense, both general and specific, anecdotal and theoretical, and that it could be hard to develop a satisfactory understanding of it except by specifying it in terms of different domains (the postwar economy, consumer culture, the possible failure of the major twentieth-century political ideologies; but also the nature of mass media, changes in education, and so on). Still the general question asks itself, and each way we could try to answer (or dismiss it) it might produce a different sort of politics.
I'm particularly interested in the status of committed politics, or what we could call overt ideology. It seems to me that nationalism, communism and capitalism now appear inadequate to many people, as you suggest. (I'm not so sure religion belongs in the same category, even if it might be treated as a different sort of ideology; it seems to be gaining currency in many places rather than declining. And maybe the same could be said of nationalism.)
There could be theoretical grounds for this skepticism about ideology. Reading contemporary political philosophers, I can recognize strands of Marxist critique, but seldom classical communism.
Obviously there's also a broader tendency, outside the academic world, to believe that political ideologies are inadequate or even bad or evil. This probably has long roots in the argument that Soviet-style communism and Nazism were two sides of the same coin. (The argument was strongly put by F. A. von Hayek in
The Road to Serfdom, but circulates in American popular culture too, and in journalism about Stalin.) Partly too it might be a question of cynicism; or of media spectacle and feelings of alienation from the political world. I'm not sure how to untangle these strands. My sense is that there is a confluence of mollifying effects of liberalism and consumer culture, a cynical political realism, and also an increased subtlety in political thought.
Having not really added anything to your clues, I'll try a different, anecdotal approach to the question.
A few years ago, I saw a nice documentary film from Japan entitled
The New God (
Atarashii Kamisama), which follows a Japanese punk band committed to extreme right-wing politics. (The band supported the return to a militaristic emperor system in Japan, associating the nation's pacifist constitution with American imperialism.) What stands out in my memory is the way that the band members, especially the female lead singer, acknowledged without too much difficulty that their politics came from a desire for some kind of commitment and solidarity, and that the particular form it took was secondary. The singer even visits North Korea with a left-wing friend; in a later interview on midnighteye.com, she says she was "kind of a North Korea otaku you could say"--pretty striking for an ultra-nationalist reactionary, but I want to put the emphasis on
otaku [something like 'fanboy'], which makes explicit the role of feeling. The film develops an account of contemporary Japan as a consumer society in which other forms of social tie are breaking down; and it makes a surprisingly touching portrait of the singer. Though the context is quite specifically Japanese, the analysis isn't, really; it's a strong version of the idea of modernity as dissociation. In the face of these ways of feeling, maybe it isn't so hard to imagine a re-emergence of explicit political ideology. If this should happen, we might assume it would take the form of a conservatism (since conservatisms tend to think of themselves in terms of social stability and traditional values). Yet even Obama's victory in the US (though he's hardly radical) seemed to bring with it a kind of strong feeling of political engagement and solidarity for many people. One thing
The New God suggests, though, is the way that such a politics can still be cynical.
[I'd like to mention here, as a kind of postscript for anyone interested in the theoretical aspects of the question, that Ernesto Laclau has written
often about the difficulties facing any radical politics; and others,
like Homi Bhabha, have addressed the question in terms of questions of
identity and feeling. If political action requires some kind of
solidarity, how can we project it when every form of solidarity is
problematic? I'm afraid I've made the question sound like Hamlet wringing his hands, but I'd like to take it instead as an historical question about the state of politics today, and not just a theoretical dilemma.]
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